Honduras

AlertA corridor, not a destinationHonduras

Basis: the text of the agreement and of its implementation plan, published in Spanish in the Honduran official journal and read there; the United Nations refugee agency’s own data on the Honduran asylum system; the Honduran government’s own description of what it does with the people sent to it; and findings of the Committee against Torture and of Honduras’s own human rights commissioner. Nothing establishes that anyone transferred to Honduras has been mistreated there. What the Coalition records is that the instrument itself provides for onward removal, that the protection it offers stops at a decision, and that the system it places people into is one whose commonest outcome is departure.

The agreement itself, La Gaceta No. 36,873, 25 June 2025
Article 3(1): Honduras “no devolverá ni expulsará” a protection applicant referred by the United States “hasta que se haya tomado una decisión administrativa final” on the claim. The protection runs to the decision and stops there. The same article says Honduras is expected to devise “un procedimiento para resolver el posible abandono de las solicitudes”: the instrument anticipates abandonment, in a country where 77.5 per cent of asylum decisions across seven years were closed because the applicant had gone. Section 6 of the implementation plan records that the United States “tiene la intención de cooperar” with Honduras in “la repatriación de personas cuyos reclamos de protección sean denegados o retirados”. Onward removal is not a by-product of this arrangement. It is a term of it. This bullet is a correction. Until 11 September 2026 this page said no one outside the two governments could read the agreement.
The Honduran National Migration Institute, 23 August 2026
Of the Mexicans sent there by the United States, its director said Honduras gives them care “during their stay in the national territory, before continuing their journey towards Mexico”. For that group the Honduran government describes its own country as a corridor rather than a destination.
United Nations refugee agency data on the Honduran asylum system
Honduras decided 123 asylum cases in the whole of 2024 and recognised 13 people. Across seven years, 812 of 1,048 decisions, 77.5 per cent, were closed because the applicant had gone. There are no recorded rejections at all in that period. Cases are not refused. They evaporate.
United Nations Treaty Collection, the depositary record
Honduras acceded to the Convention against Torture on 5 December 1996 and, on 22 July 2024, made a declaration under article 22 recognising the competence of the Committee against Torture to consider complaints from individuals once domestic remedies are exhausted. A person in Honduras can petition the Committee. It made no article 21 declaration. It has also ratified the Optional Protocol and accepts the Inter-American Court, so both the United Nations and the regional routes are open. This paragraph is a correction. Until 11 September 2026 this page said the opposite. See the note at the foot of the page.

What an Alert meansDesignated September 11, 2026Review: on any account, from any source, of what has become of the people transferred under this agreement since October 2025

The Coalition’s position. This state agreed to receive people who are not its nationals, moved against their will, under a programme United States federal courts have found punitive and whose purpose was stated publicly before the agreement was made. On the Coalition’s position it has knowingly facilitated that programme, and the wrong is complete at the moment of agreement. Nothing on this page is offered as mitigation. What a receiving state agrees to.

What has happened

There are two separate streams of people being moved to Honduras by the United States, and this page keeps them apart because they are governed differently and because only one of them has an instrument at all.

Arrangement. An agreement for cooperation in the examination of protection requests, signed at Washington on 10 March 2025, amended by an exchange of notes at Tegucigalpa on 25 June 2025. Its full Spanish text, with the joint implementation plan and the action plan annex, was published by Honduras in La Gaceta No. 36,873 on 25 June 2025, two weeks before the United States printed it as unreadable scans at 90 Federal Register 30076 on 8 July. An earlier agreement of September 2019 entered into force in March 2020, was never used on a single person, and was suspended on 6 February 2021.

Transferred, under the agreement. Roughly 90 people who are not Honduran, between 10 October 2025 and mid-August 2026, on the monitoring project’s count. All flights land at San Pedro Sula. The plan caps use at ten a month and 240 over two years, and reserves Honduran discretion to exceed both.

Transferred, outside the agreement. Larger, and with no instrument at all. Around 350 Mexicans through mid-August 2026, and more than 90 Guatemalans between October 2025 and March 2026 who were put on buses to the Guatemalan border the next day, with no screening and no chance to claim asylum in Honduras.

Onward return. Provided for in the instrument, documented for the Mexicans on the Honduran government’s own account, and carried out on the Guatemalans within a day. For the people moved under the agreement, the monitoring project reports that only a small percentage stayed to seek asylum.

What the instrument says, now that the Coalition has read it

The Coalition told readers of this page that the agreement could not be read by anyone outside the two governments. That was wrong, and the way it was wrong is worth stating before anything else on this page is believed. The Coalition searched the United States publication route: the Federal Register scan, its mirrors, and the State Department pages. All of those failed, and the Coalition treated the failure of those routes as the absence of any route. Honduras had published the whole thing in Spanish in its own official journal on 25 June 2025, a fortnight before the American version appeared as images. A document published by one party to a bilateral instrument is published. The Coalition should have looked at the receiving state’s gazette first, and on this series of pages that is exactly the state whose law the guide exists to describe.

What the text turns out to contain matters more than the error. There is a non-refoulement clause, and it has a stop date. Article 3(1) binds Honduras not to return or expel a person referred by the United States until a final administrative decision has been taken on their claim. It does not speak to what happens after. There is an abandonment provision, in the same article: Honduras is expected to determine a procedure for resolving the possible abandonment of claims by people transferred under the agreement. And there is a repatriation provision, at section 6 of the implementation plan, in which the United States states an intention to cooperate with Honduras in repatriating people whose protection claims are denied or withdrawn.

Read together those three provisions describe a route out of the country for anyone whose claim ends in any way other than a grant. The Coalition put the words “a corridor, not a destination” on this page in September on the strength of what a Honduran official said about Mexicans in transit. The phrase turns out to be in the instrument.

Four things the text does not contain, checked across all twelve pagesNo provision for legal representation or legal aid for a transferred person, at any stage. No independent monitoring. The evaluation commission the action plan establishes is composed of seven Honduran state bodies, with a discretionary power to invite specialised organisations. No location for the reception centre. It is named, its purpose is stated and its administration is assigned, and it is not sited anywhere in the document. And no money. Section 5 of the implementation plan reads: “El presente Plan y su ejecución no comprometen recursos financieros del Gobierno de la República de Honduras ni del Gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América.” Neither government commits a cent. The United States separately states an intention to cooperate on strengthening Honduran institutional capacity, which is an intention rather than a sum.

Three further terms bear on who can be sent. The agreement does not apply to Honduran nationals or habitual residents. The plan excludes unaccompanied children, people involved in crimes against humanity, drug trafficking, terrorism, human trafficking, migrant smuggling, child pornography or human rights violations, and people subject to Interpol notices, and it requires medical clearance to travel on the same standards the United States applies in its own deportations. And under article 4(2), Honduras undertakes not to dispute any United States decision that a person qualifies for an exception. The judgment about who is excluded is made in Washington and is not open to challenge in Tegucigalpa.

Who has been sent, and when

The first transfer was on 10 October 2025: seven Mexicans who had recently crossed the border and asked for asylum. They were handed a form by Customs and Border Protection stating that they would be sent to Honduras under the agreement and that they should tell an officer if they feared persecution or torture there in order to be screened. Every flight since has landed at San Pedro Sula.

October 2025. 7, from Mexico. November. 9, from Colombia, Nicaragua, Ecuador and Guatemala. December. 9, from Ecuador, Colombia, Peru, El Salvador and Nicaragua.

January 2026. 7 men, from Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Bolivia. February. 7, from Peru, Ecuador and Guatemala. March. 10, from Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Peru.

April. 9, from Mexico, Ecuador, Colombia, El Salvador and Nicaragua. May. 10, from Nicaragua, Colombia and the Dominican Republic. June. 8, from Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Peru.

July and August. Further transfers, not enumerated in the source, which describes August as likely rather than confirmed.

The Coalition adds those nine months and gets 76. The same source, describing the same window from October 2025 to the end of June 2026, says about 80. The list and the total do not agree, by roughly four people, in a count small enough to do by hand. The Coalition publishes both rather than choosing, and notes what follows: if the enumerated figure is right and the mid-August total of roughly 90 is also right, then about 14 people were moved across July and the first half of August, which is at or above the ten a month the two governments agreed.

Nicaragua and Ecuador each appear in seven of the nine months, Colombia in six, Peru in four. No nationality recurs more often than those two. The section below on the country a person arrives in should be read with the Nicaraguans in mind in particular, for reasons set out there.

On what became of them, the monitoring project says that only a small percentage remained in Honduras to seek asylum, and that the others returned to their countries of origin or travelled north. That sentence closes the largest gap this page has carried. The Coalition prints the source’s own hedge, which is that this is understood rather than established: no figure is given, no method is stated, and no individual is identified. It is the only account anyone has published of what happens after the plane lands, and it is consistent with both the abandonment rate in the Honduran system and the repatriation clause in the instrument.

The larger stream, which has no instrument at all

More people have been sent to Honduras outside this agreement than under it, and what happened to one group of them is the most serious fact on this page.

Between October 2025 and March 2026 the United States sent more than 90 Guatemalans to Honduras outside the terms of the agreement. Honduran authorities put them on buses the following day and took them across the border into Guatemala, without screening and without the opportunity to seek asylum in Honduras. Not one of the safeguards the agreement contains, such as they are, applied to any of them: no protection determination, no bar on expulsion pending a decision, no reception centre, nothing. They were moved through the country in a day.

From about May or June 2026 Honduras also began regularly receiving Mexicans outside the agreement, and had received around 350 by mid-August. That is roughly four times the number moved under the instrument in the same period. The Honduran migration institute’s director described what his country does for that group as care “during their stay in the national territory, before continuing their journey towards Mexico”.

The Coalition has found no instrument, published or described, governing either group. The written arrangement is the smaller half of what is happening, and the half without a document is the half in which people have been demonstrably moved onward without any process at all.

The asylum system a person is placed into

Honduras has a refugee procedure. Applications go to the National Migration Institute, at its offices or at its centres for migrants, and lead to an interview, biometric registration, a renewable 90 day temporary stay authorisation, and a decision by a commission. A refusal can be challenged within ten days.

The numbers are the point. On the refugee agency’s own data, Honduras received 163 applications in 2024 and 716 in 2025, a fourfold rise that the monitoring project records independently. Across 2019 to 2025 it took 1,048 decisions. It recognised 236 people. It rejected nobody. And it closed 812 cases, 77.5 per cent of everything it decided, on the ground that the applicant had abandoned the claim.

A system whose dominant outcome is departure is not a system that holds people safely, and the Coalition says so plainly rather than reporting the recognition figure alone.

A five day clock exists in the system, and the Coalition records it without overreaching. The migration institute operates four centres for irregular migrants, at Toncontín and Altos de Toncontín in Tegucigalpa, at San Pedro Sula, and at Danlí. A person placed in that system as an irregular migrant is given five days to leave the country or regularise. The Coalition has not established that people transferred under the agreement are routed through those centres, and does not assume it.

The reception centre the two governments agreed to, and what the document does not say about itThe action plan creates a Centro Integral para la Atención de los Solicitantes de Protección, whose stated purpose is the “recepción, admisión y tramitación de solicitudes de protección, o retorno voluntario de personas trasladadas desde los Estados Unidos”. Voluntary return is written into the centre’s purpose alongside protection. It is administered by the National Migration Institute together with the internal refugee claims commission and the ministries of the interior, human rights and security, joined by the childhood and family ministry once family units begin arriving. The document gives it no address. Nor does it say whether a person may leave it. A person arriving is to be taken by migration institute and human rights ministry staff to “los lugares asignados por el Gobierno de Honduras”, and is to be given orientation on three things: protection mechanisms in the country, assisted voluntary return, and the regional free movement arrangement. The Coalition has not established whether the centre has opened, where it is, or whether any of the people transferred since October 2025 passed through it, and does not assume any of the three.

The country a person arrives in

Honduras has been under a state of exception since December 2022. Its own National Commissioner for Human Rights has logged 1,006 complaints against the security forces under it, including torture and ill-treatment.

The Committee against Torture examined Honduras on 18 April 2024 and adopted concluding observations on 27 May 2024, eleven months before the agreement was signed. It recorded insecurity inside prisons, a lack of effective control by the authorities, a shortage of prison officers, and deaths in custody. In June 2023 forty-six women were killed in a single prison, after which the armed forces took over the running of the prison system.

The Coalition is precise about a limit on its own evidence here. The Committee has not examined Honduras since this arrangement came into being, and nothing it has said concerns people transferred from the United States. The full text of its 2024 observations could not be opened from here, so this page quotes no paragraph numbers from it and relies on the record of the dialogue and on the Committee’s published findings instead.

Three of those figures bear directly on the people actually being sent. Nicaraguans appear in seven of the nine enumerated months. Nicaraguan dissidents in the region have been pursued beyond their borders, and assassinations of Nicaraguans have been reported in neighbouring countries including Costa Rica. Salvadorans and Guatemalans, who appear in four of the months between them, face criminal organisations that operate across all three countries, so distance from home is not by itself distance from the threat.

The wider conditions are documented and are not specific to transferred people. Honduras has around 423,845 internally displaced people. Same-sex marriage is barred by the constitution and there were 43 murders of LGBTQ+ people in 2022. The country has one of the highest rates of femicide in the region. Human Rights Watch records “systemic corruption, political interference in the justice system, insecurity, a very large percentage of the population living in poverty, and lethal attacks against environmental defenders”.

And one figure concerns removed people specifically. In 2025, 36 Hondurans who had been deported to Honduras were assassinated. That is a count of returning nationals, not of transferred foreigners, and the Coalition does not transfer the inference from one group to the other. It records it because it is the only published measure of what happens to people this country receives from the United States after they arrive, and because nobody is keeping the equivalent count for the ninety.

The number of people designated, against the number of places

This page does not interpret United States law and does not comment on the American proceedings. It records two counts and leaves them next to each other.

Honduras agreed to receive ten people a month, 240 over the first two years. That figure is in section 2(e) of the implementation plan, quoted above, and Honduras may exceed it at its discretion.

Between August 2025 and the end of June 2026, according to data compiled by Mobile Pathways, 7,606 asylum claims of people who are not Honduran were cancelled in United States immigration proceedings with a designation for removal to Honduras under this agreement. They came from more than twenty-five countries. The largest groups were Ecuadorians (1,959), Mexicans (1,508), Colombians (1,289), Guatemalans (932), Nicaraguans (643), Peruvians (577) and Salvadorans (451). Those seven total 7,359, leaving 247 across the remaining eighteen or more nationalities, which is internally consistent.

That is about thirty-two designations for every place Honduras agreed to provide across two years, and roughly ninety-five for every person actually sent. The two counts do not cover identical periods and the Coalition will not pretend they do: the designations run from August 2025 to the end of June 2026, eleven months, while transfers did not begin until October, nine. Both ratios are the Coalition’s own arithmetic, using the source’s figure of about 80 transfers rather than the 76 its own month list adds to. They are a measure of scale, not anyone’s finding.

Four of the people designated have been identified in United States court filings, and the Coalition names them by circumstance because whether Honduras is safe for them is the question this page exists to answer. A gay man from Guatemala. A man from Bolivia who says he is at risk for taking part in political protests. A man from Nicaragua who says he is at risk for anti-government political activity. And a woman from Somalia who was subjected to female genital mutilation and forced marriage, ordered removed to Honduras or, failing that, to Uganda.

The fourth one does not fit the instrument, and that is a finding about this agreementSection 2(e) of the implementation plan states that until further negotiations the two governments intend to limit use of the agreement to nationals of Spanish-speaking Latin American countries who do not require a visa to travel to Honduras, and the action plan adds that Honduras may refuse people who under its current rules need a visa to enter. A Somali national is outside that stated scope. Honduras may accept other nationalities at its discretion, so there is no contradiction on the face of it, but the Coalition records the mismatch as an open question rather than resolving it: either the initial scope the two governments published is no longer what is being used, or a removal was ordered to a country that had not agreed to receive that person. Nothing the Coalition has read settles which.

The three men above all entered the United States before 2026, some as early as 2022. The agreement was amended in June to apply to people who had sought protection before it took effect. The Coalition states that as the fact it is and goes no further with it here.

What routes exist, and the one that does not

The Committee against Torture is open to individuals, and this page had it wrong. Honduras acceded on 5 December 1996. On 22 July 2024 it deposited a declaration under article 22, in these words: it recognises the competence of the Committee “to receive and consider communications from individuals subject to its jurisdiction, once domestic remedies have been exhausted, who claim to be victims of a violation of the provisions of the Convention”. It made no declaration under article 21, so the inter-State procedure is not available, but an individual route to Geneva exists. The declaration post-dates the Committee’s last examination of Honduras and pre-dates the transfers by more than a year.

The Inter-American Court is open. Honduras has been a party to the American Convention since 8 September 1977 and accepted the Court’s contentious jurisdiction on 9 September 1981. For a person in Honduras the live international route is regional, not United Nations.

There is a national preventive mechanism. Honduras signed the Optional Protocol on 8 December 2004 and ratified it on 23 May 2006. Its mechanism is the National Committee for the Prevention of Torture. It does not appear on the United Nations list of states whose obligation to establish one is overdue.

The first days

Nothing below is advice, and no page can tell a particular person what to do in their case.

What exists, in the order in which it usually matters

Ask for the human rights office of the migration institute by name
The asylum route runs through the National Migration Institute, and specifically through its management for human rights and attention to migrants, which publishes a direct line. Asking for the institute generally is not the same as asking for that office.
Do not let the claim lapse, because that is what happens to most of them
More than three quarters of all asylum decisions in Honduras over seven years were closed because the applicant had gone. Whatever else is uncertain, the single most likely way for a claim to fail here is for it to be abandoned rather than refused.
Call the human rights commissioner, and ask for the displacement unit
The National Commissioner for Human Rights takes individual complaints and publishes a number for its internal displacement unit that it states is answered at any hour.
The Committee against Torture is available, since July 2024
Honduras accepted individual complaints under article 22 of the Convention on 22 July 2024. After domestic remedies are exhausted, a complaint about torture or ill-treatment can go to Geneva, as well as to the Inter-American system, the national preventive mechanism or the commissioner.

Who is reachable in Honduras

Every entry below was checked on 11 September 2026 against the source named in it. One absence is stated rather than papered over: the Coalition did not find a Honduran organisation that takes individual legal cases for people in this position. The Norwegian Refugee Council advises; the commissioner receives complaints; neither is individual representation.

Official bodies

The national human rights institution, described by the United Nations refugee agency as the body of the Honduran state that guarantees respect for the dignity of all inhabitants and migrants. Eleven further regional offices exist

Comisionado Nacional de los Derechos Humanos

Address: Colonia Florencia Norte, Boulevard Suyapa, contiguo a banco Lafise, Tegucigalpa
Telephone: +504 2231 0204, +504 2231 0882, +504 2235 7697. Internal displacement unit +504 9581 1846, stated to be answered at any hour
Email: conadeh@conadeh.hn

Checked 11 September 2026 · UNHCR Help Honduras

The authority that receives a refugee claim, at its offices or at its centres for migrants

Instituto Nacional de Migración, human rights and migrant attention

Address: Centro Cívico Gubernamental José Cecilio del Valle, Tegucigalpa
Telephone: +504 8935 6896 for the human rights office, Monday to Friday 09:00 to 17:00; +504 2232 7800 general
Email: callcenter@inm.gob.hn

Checked 11 September 2026 · UNHCR Help Honduras, how to apply for asylum

Help inside the country

Three field units. No email address is published for any of them

ACNUR Honduras, the United Nations refugee agency

Address: Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula and Choluteca, Monday to Friday
Telephone: Tegucigalpa +504 3174 2939; San Pedro Sula +504 2565 3100; Choluteca +504 3172 1182

Checked 11 September 2026 · UNHCR Help Honduras, our offices

Advice on asylum procedures, international protection, and housing, land and property rights. Present since 2014 across eighteen departments. It publishes no street address or telephone number

Norwegian Refugee Council, Honduras

Email: nrc.ncaym@nrc.no

Checked 11 September 2026 · NRC Honduras

Two absences belong on this page as much as the contacts do. HIAS Honduras, an international protection organisation working in the country, ceased operations in 2025, attributing the closure to United States government decisions to halt humanitarian assistance. A protection provider in the receiving country was shut down by the funding decisions of the sending country, in the same year the transfers began. And the national preventive mechanism publishes an address but no telephone number, and its email is displayed in a form the Coalition could not read. Its own website did not respond. The Coalition will print the email when it can read it.

What is not established

What has become of the ninety, in any specific sense. The monitoring project says only a small percentage stayed to seek asylum and the rest returned home or went north. No count, no method, no named person. It is the only account that exists and it is not a record.

Whether the reception centre exists. The action plan creates one and gives it no address. The Coalition has found no evidence that it has opened and none that it has not.

Whether anyone transferred is detained. No source either way. The Coalition asserts neither.

The date the agreement entered into force. The Federal Register notice carries no such date, and the implementation plan makes entry into force depend on notifications and internal procedures without stating when they were completed.

What governs the larger stream. Around 350 Mexicans and more than 90 Guatemalans were sent outside the agreement. No instrument has been found covering either group, and the Coalition has now read the only instrument it knows to exist.

Why the enumerated transfers total 76 and the summary figure says about 80.

Whether the initial nationality scope still holds, given a removal ordered to Honduras for a Somali national.

The Coalition writes Investigating rather than none found, because the second phrase reads as though a question has been answered when it has only been asked.

What runs the other way

Honduras placed a limit on this arrangement in public, before anyone was moved, and the limit appears to have held. Its migration director said in July 2025 that Honduras would accept ten people a month and no more, which is 120 a year; the joint implementation plan carries the same figure; and roughly ninety people in ten months is just under it.

Honduras accepts the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court, has ratified the Optional Protocol, accepted individual complaints to the Committee against Torture in July 2024, and maintains a preventive mechanism that is not on the overdue list. It reported to the Committee against Torture in May 2025 on a new prison policy, a rehabilitation programme, and a plan for the gradual withdrawal of military personnel from the prisons. That last is a claim made by the state answering the criticism against it, and the Coalition presents it as a claim rather than as verified fact.

The Honduran government’s public account of the arrangement has not been consistent. Its migration director denied in June 2025 that any agreement had been signed, the day after the United States Secretary of Homeland Security said Honduras would take people and give them refugee status. The instrument had in fact been signed in March. A week later the same official was describing a cap of ten a month. The Coalition does not present this as a lie: what he appears to have been denying is the characterisation of a new deal concluded that week. It records instead that the Honduran government’s account changed within days and has never been set out in a single official document the Coalition could find.

The pressure this agreement sits inside, which cuts against reading Honduras as a free actorRemittances from Hondurans abroad were about 25 per cent of the country’s gross domestic product in 2024, and more than 55,000 Honduran people have been deported from the United States since January 2025, many after years of living there. Days after Honduras agreed to apply the agreement retroactively, the United States announced the end of Temporary Protected Status for Honduras, and status for 72,000 Honduran nationals terminated on 8 September 2025. Honduras was exempted from new tariffs in August 2025. Before the November 2025 presidential election the United States administration indicated it would cut aid if its preferred candidate did not win; after a count lasting weeks, that candidate was declared the winner. The Coalition holds that agreeing to receive people is a wrong completed at the moment of agreement, and it does not withdraw that. It also declines to describe a state in this position as having acted freely, and prints the sequence so a reader can weigh it.

What this page does not yet carry

Any quotation from the Committee against Torture’s 2024 concluding observations. The document exists and the Coalition could not open it. That failure now reads differently: one document this page called unreachable turned out to be published in the receiving state’s own gazette, and the Coalition has not finished checking whether the same is true of others.

The email address of the national preventive mechanism.

Any Honduran organisation doing individual legal representation for transferred people. The instrument provides for none, and the Coalition has found none. If one exists it wants to hear of it.

Any evidence that the reception centre the two governments agreed to has opened, and where it is.

A single account, from anyone, of what happened to a named person transferred under this agreement.

If you can correct anything on this page, the Coalition wants to hear it. Two of the corrections recorded below came from outside, and the page is better for both.

Sources

Every source relied on above, linked so it can be read in full rather than through this summary.

The agreement. Agreement between the United States and Honduras for cooperation in the examination of protection requests, signed 10 March 2025, amended by notes of 25 June 2025, at 90 Federal Register 30076, published 8 July 2025, the text carried as images. The 2019 agreement at 85 Federal Register 25462, 1 May 2020, also images. United States Department of State, press statement of 6 February 2021 suspending the 2019 agreements, which records that the agreements with El Salvador and Honduras were never implemented. Board of Immigration Appeals, Matter of C-I-G-M- and L-V-S-G-, 29 I&N Dec. 291, 31 October 2025, describing the agreement.

Numbers and the government’s account. Third Country Deportation Watch, Honduras page, last updated 15 August 2026. Criterio, 4 July 2025, for the cap of ten a month. Infobae, 23 August 2026, for the migration institute director on Mexicans continuing their journey to Mexico.

The asylum system. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Refugee Data Finder, country of asylum Honduras, 2019 to 2025. UNHCR Help Honduras on how to apply. Instituto Nacional de Migración on its centres for migrants.

Country conditions. Committee against Torture, concluding observations on the third periodic report of Honduras, CAT/C/HND/CO/3, 27 May 2024, and the record of the dialogue of 18 April 2024. Honduras’s own follow-up report, CAT/C/HND/FCO/3, 21 May 2025. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, March 2024. Comisionado Nacional de los Derechos Humanos, on complaints under the state of exception.

Treaty status, from the depositary. United Nations Treaty Collection, chapters IV-9, in which the declarations section records Honduras’s article 22 declaration of 22 July 2024 and no article 21 declaration, and IV-9-b for the Optional Protocol. Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Gutiérrez Navas and others v. Honduras, 29 November 2023, paragraph 12, for the acceptance of its jurisdiction on 9 September 1981.

The instrument, read in full. Acuerdo Ejecutivo No. 13-DGAJTC-2025, Tegucigalpa, 24 June 2025, published in La Gaceta No. 36,873 of 25 June 2025, Sección A, the official journal of the Republic of Honduras, carrying the Spanish text of the agreement (articles 1 to 7), the joint implementation plan (sections 1 to 7) and the action plan annex. Every Spanish phrase quoted on this page comes from that document, read from the document’s own text layer on 11 September 2026 rather than through any summary of it. The United States printing of the same instrument, at 90 Federal Register 30076 of 8 July 2025, remains a set of scanned images with no text layer, and the Coalition has not been able to read it in that form. Where the two versions might differ, this page follows the Spanish, and says so. The Coalition has not compared them line by line, because it cannot read one of them.

The transfers. Third Country Deportation Watch, Honduras page, for the month-by-month record from 10 October 2025, the nationalities, the landing point at San Pedro Sula, the form given to the first group, the position that only a small percentage remained, the Guatemalans bussed to the border, the figure of around 350 Mexicans, and the bilateral context. The count of designated cases is from Mobile Pathways immigration court data for August 2025 to the end of June 2026. The four individuals are identified from United States federal court filings; this page reports their circumstances and does not comment on the proceedings.

Compiled 11 September 2026. Where this page summarises a decision or a report, the full document is linked above and should be read in preference to this summary. Where a document could not be opened, this page says so rather than quoting it at second hand as though it had been read.

This page was corrected three times on the day it was published, and all three are recorded here rather than quietly fixed.

One. The page said that Honduras accepted no individual complaints and that no person there could petition the Committee against Torture. That was wrong. Honduras deposited a declaration under article 22 on 22 July 2024. The error came from a reading of the depositary record that saw the accession table and not the declarations section beneath it, and it was caught by checking the same record again for a different country. It mattered more than the others, because the original sentence would have told someone in danger that a route to Geneva was closed when it was open.

Two. The page said the agreement could not be read, that the Coalition had tried five routes to the text and reached none, and that nobody outside the two governments could read it. Honduras published the entire instrument in Spanish in its own official journal on 25 June 2025, two weeks before the unreadable American scan appeared. The Coalition searched only the United States publication route and treated the failure of those routes as the absence of any route. On a page about what a person finds in Honduras, the Honduran gazette should have been the first place looked, not a place never looked.

Three. Following from the second, the page said the Coalition could not state whether the agreement contains a non-refoulement clause. It does, at article 3(1), and the clause stops at the final administrative decision. Telling readers that a protection question was unanswerable, when the answer was published in the receiving state’s own gazette, is a different and in some ways worse error than getting the answer wrong.

One earlier claim was removed before first publication: a treaty series number for the 2019 agreement, which the Coalition had only from the shape of a web address and not from any document. Corrections to the Coalition.